The Long War #23
Russian soldiers' graffiti, a women resistance movement in Melitopol and pressure on business
Hi everyone,
First, I just wanted to share some brief thoughts about the debate I highlighted in last week’s issue of Ukrainian Pulse—a debate about, essentially, how the Ukrainian state should spend its (very limited) resources and whether it even made sense for local authorities to maintain regular expenditures. A day after I published the newsletter, Lviv mayor Andriy Sadovyi announced the city would “limit” non-critical expenditures during martial law. A clear indication that the discussion is taken seriously.
It’s a dry topic at first glance, but one I thought important because it speaks to a fundamental dilemma for a country at war, one forced to keep its society mobilized while also maintaining a semblance of normal life. This is hard to do for many reasons (including economic and financial ones), one of which being that the mobilization of civil society can and does turn political. In this case, this massive mobilization and the sacrifices endured by a significant part of that society to support the war effort have led to the expectation that the state, including local government, should make similar sacrifices. It’s a powerful argument—what politician is going to blow off an activist who has been driving to the frontline for 17 months to provide soldiers with drones and thermal optics when they criticize authorities for expenditures they see as pointless? But it’s also not one that the state can completely accept, unless the situation becomes incredibly dire, as this ability to keep public life going as usual (more or less) is also crucial for morale. It’s a dilemma with no easy way out, and one that will remain present as long as the war is going on.
In other news, a quick reminder that the following issues of ‘Ukrainian Pulse’ as well as ‘Analysis & Academic’ will only be available to paid subscribers, so don’t forget to subscribe if you’re interested! ‘The Long War’ is and will remain free.
Something to read (in English)
Hyperallergic | The Ukrainian Group Archiving Russian Soldiers’ Graffiti | July 9
There’s something unsettling and quietly striking about graffiti left in destroyed villages and Ukrainian towns, either by locals trying desperately to protect their homes and their lives (‘people live here’, ‘house already empty’) or by Russian soldiers with something to prove, or to apologize for. This important project focuses on the latter, and has already compiled more than 500 graffiti made by Russian troops during their invasion of Ukraine—the project’s website includes a map of all graffiti archived so far.
BBC Russian service | Who killed the 'Berdyansk partisans': mystery surrounds the death of two teenage boys shot dead in occupied Ukrainian city | July 20
This piece is the best English-language one I’ve seen on the still-murky story of two Ukrainian teenagers shot dead in late June in the Russian-occupied city of Melitopol, and has a lot of details about life in the occupied regions. I did also want to use the opportunity to point out to you that this story was published on the BBC Russian service’s Substack, which features English-language translations of their biggest stories every two weeks.
Something to read (in Ukrainian)
The Village Ukraine | The “Evil Mavka” women partisan movement fights against the Russian Federation. An interview from occupied Melitopol. | July 21
Many valuable details in this piece about a resistance movement that reportedly emerged in occupied Melitopol back in March. On the decision to start the movement: “We were sitting one day with the girls ‘in the kitchen’ as they say, and we talked about how there’s real, ‘active’ resistance, that the boys are blowing up cars of the occupiers. We couldn’t do that, but we also couldn’t just sit and watch. Over time, the orcs became defiant in the streets, were harassing girls, and acted like they owned the city. So we decided to do something so that they don’t feel so powerful, to make them understand they’re not at home and never will be”. On their motivations: “We wanted to show that they aren’t being tolerated, not just by the armed guys, but also by women. That just because people stayed here does not mean they are ready to live under occupation.” On being a woman under occupation: “I can’t speak for everyone, but in my case, my home clothes are now the clothes I go out with—I’m definitely not going to wear anything pretty, bright or, God forbid, sexy. We aren’t in the mood, but it’s also a question of safety. Your best bet is to be quiet, like a gray mouse. To ‘not shine’, as is said in Russian. Many girls only leave the house when it’s absolutely necessary.”
Forbes Ukraine | ‘Why send 50 police officers and scare children with these searches?’ Cherkasy farmers received state support, but their accounts are now blocked. Another story about interactions between law enforcement and business. | July 14
Different story altogether, and one that was pretty common long before the Russian invasion—accusations that Ukrainian law enforcement is illegally pressuring private businesses. In that case, it takes the form of a July 7 raid by around 50 police and SBU officers in the offices of a holding in central Ukraine accused of misappropriating funds received from the state back in 2021. Now, with all these stories, it’s always hard to know where the truth lies exactly, as the companies will of course always deny having done anything illegal. But the existence of the problem, and the fact that it remains a problem one year and a half into the war, is undeniable: on July 29, Volodymyr Zelensky held a meeting with business representatives called specifically to discuss this issue. According to Forbes, “Entrepreneurs had complaints about virtually all law enforcement agencies, from the SBU to the Economic Security Bureau”. The mention of the latter agency is in particular a poor sign, considering it only started operating a year before the start of the Russian invasion. It therefore didn’t have the loaded legacy that comes with having Soviet roots, something that made the SBU a notoriously hard organization to reform. And as the SBU started directly fighting Russian troops on the frontline, such a reform is now unthinkable for the foreseeable future.
ICYMI
Stories from legacy Western media published over the week-end (and today)
New York Times / Seeking Full Honors, Some Ukrainian Families Wait to Bury Their Dead
France 24 / 'Metal detectors are no use.' Challenge of removing landmines slows Ukraine counteroffensive
Politico / Inside a Ukrainian baby factory
New York Times / Weary Soldiers, Unreliable Munitions: Ukraine’s Many Challenges
Wired / Wild Donkeys Are on the Vanguard of Ukraine’s Ecological Recovery
Wall Street Journal / Ukraine's Lack of Weaponry and Training Risks Stalemate in Fight With Russia
The Guardian / As Russian shells continue to fall, Mykolaiv’s water-starved residents remain defiant